It is not uncommon to see projects named after the thing they displace and sometimes destroy. Areas with names like Wild Creek Place likely contain no traces of “wildlife” or creek remnants. I think more descriptive names like “Flat Asphalt Intersection” just don't have the same level of appeal.
I saw the names of Kansas legislative committees in the same way. Under the legislature's ultraconservative leadership, committees such as Education (House and Senate), Education Budget (House), Commerce, Labor and Economic Development (House), and Local Government (Senate), to name a few, seem cruelly named after what ultraconservatives have flagged as displacement or destruction.
Gov. Sam Brownback's march toward a zero income tax, coupled with legislation aimed at weakening government services and wresting control away from local governments, is weakening the very aspects of governance these committees focus on. Public education certainly seems target should be greatly supplemented, if not completely replaced, by private education.
We see this in other states as well. For some time, model legislation from the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), Americans for Prosperity (AFP), and other libertarian/ultraconservative organizations has been used as a template for bills in states with varying levels of ultraconservative control. Such templates have been developed on everything from taxation and fiscal policy to energy and the environment, health and social services.
In education alone, 42 states enacted 172 measures based on the ALEC model legislation in 2015. according to the Center for Media and Democracy. The overall goal is to “…transform public education from a public and accountable institution serving the public to one serving private commercial interests.” Since public education typically makes up a large portion of the state budget, this fits nicely with ultra-conservative legislation aimed at sharply shrinking government and cutting taxes.
In Kansas, one of the latest bills inspired by such model legislation is HB 2741intended to provide the state with a new public school funding formula. Kansas School Boards Association (KASB) provides a good summary of the bill Here. The need for a new formula began during the 2014-15 legislative session with the repeal of the previous school funding formula and the implementation of a temporary two-year block grant funding mechanism to fill the gap while the Legislature worked on a new formula. I should note that the block grant also effectively reduced the funds available to school districts for day-to-day operations.
HB 2741 was filed just before the legislative recess and is now in the House Appropriations Committee. One of the most controversial things the bill does is pass the Kansas Education Freedom Act, creating a savings program for private schools and essentially redirecting already limited public school money to private schools. It would allow parents to use 70 percent of state aid per student in their district to pay for private (including religious) schools, online schools, homeschooling or tutoring.
While the bill requires that such students be provided with “instruction in at least those subjects required by State law,” it does not require any student assessment or accountability measures. And the Kansas State Treasurer, rather than the Kansas Department of Education, will be charged with regulatory oversight of both the finances and academic personnel associated with the private school savings program.
These “education freedom accounts” described in the bill have many similarities to aspects ALEC Education Savings Account Act model legislation. For example, devolving oversight to the state treasurer is consistent with ALEC's proposal that financial and academic oversight need not be the responsibility of the state department responsible for education. The model legislation defines this oversight agency as the “State Administration of Public Instruction.” or an organization selected by the state [italics added]”
Stated purpose HB 2747 is to “provide funding for 'instruction.'” However, the bill limits instruction “…to those school district functions that directly affect the delivery of educational services. The term “instruction” does not include the following school district functions: central office administration; major construction, renovation or renovation; maintenance and repair of premises; purchasing and preparing food products; or providing extracurricular activities…”
Although overall government assistance for “instructional” activities is increased under this bill, it is reduced or eliminated relative to the “noninstructional” functions specifically mentioned above. And although analysis from KASB offers HB 2747 Initially, the state's total aid will be increased by 4% over the block grant (still not enough and no more than the previous funding formula), and after the Keep Safe dollars disappear two years later, it will actually be a decrease. This gives ultra-conservatives the opportunity to claim that they have increased “instruction” funding (important in an election year) while cutting overall state spending on public education (necessary if they are going to continue this mad march to zero income taxes).
And reducing overall public education spending is a major goal of ALEC and AFP, as well as the Kansas Policy Institute (KPI), the local manifestation of this libertarian/ultraconservative intellectual tradition in Kansas. The narrow definition of “instruction” and “redistribution of dollars to the classroom” is code for cuts in overall funding for day-to-day operations of public schools and has been general topics of conversation Brownback and ultra-conservative lawmakers.
According to the bill, administration costs will be reduced, which is already provided for underfunded. General state aid can no longer be used to fund extracurricular activities (local dollars only), defined as “those activities that are provided or supported by a school district but which are not required or are not an essential part of any curriculum of such school district.” Athletics will certainly suffer, but other activities such as orchestra, choir, debate, student council, or anything else with an extracurricular component that limits or excludes may also suffer. positive impact such activities may have an impact on students.
As with extracurricular activities, only local dollars can be used for food service or related activities, potentially impacting the quality and quantity of food provided by districts. But nutritious foodalong with have (and expect) a full bellyreally influence the effectiveness of classroom learning. The end of general state funding for food services would also likely jeopardize local farm-to-school programs where they are implemented, negatively impacting not only students but also the local economy.
Additional restrictions placed on capital improvement projects by: a) creating a Joint State Construction Committee to review (and limit) projects requiring state capital improvement assistance, b) reducing and in some cases eliminating state assistance for areas not zoned for educational facilities, and c) requiring three sealed bids for any construction project that uses bond money (potentially problematic for rural areas and other special circumstances) will have a negative impact on students as well as the local economy. By reducing government spending on capital improvement projects, the burden will be further shifted to local communities, and the number and quality of projects will likely decline.
A recent report from the USGBC Center for Green Schools summarizes Hereconcluded that current spending levels are no longer sufficient to meet current standards and the district's needs for operations and maintenance, repairs and new construction. We still have a long way to go to recover from decades of deferred maintenance. this can negatively impact the productivity/achievement and health of students and teachers and therefore student success. This bill will further slow Kansas' recovery.
Increasing the percentage of state education funding that local communities would be required to provide also contradicts the Kansas Supreme Court's recent ruling in favor of a lower court ruling that the current block grant does not provide equitable funding to all school districts. Wealthier districts have greater potential to raise local funds for these “non-instructional” functions. So HB 2741 would appear to be no closer to satisfying this equity requirement than providing a block grant.
Interestingly, Representative Ron Hyland, a Republican, one of the two main sponsors of the bill (the other being Senator Steve Abrams, a Republican), said that HB 2741 includes recommendations from US$2.6 million effectiveness research conducted by the consulting firm Alvarez and Marsal. That's $2.6 million spent on research aimed at cutting government spending; $2.6 million spent by a state that has significant revenue problems stemming from outdated and disproved economic policies that lead to revenue problems from the start. Problems that could essentially be solved by simply repealing the governor's devastating income tax cut.
While some of the bill's provisions are indeed based on the study's recommendations, none of the specific aspects I've discussed here—redistributing public dollars to private schools and limiting public dollars to a narrow definition of “instruction” related activities—are actually part of Alvarez and Marsal's recommendations (at least that I could find). But they are a reflection of the libertarian and ultra-conservative ideology that underlies ALEC, AFP and KPI. While I do not believe Rep. Hyland and Sen. Abrams are currently ALEC members (although many Kansas legislators are ALEC members), they have previously attended ALEC events and are sympathetic to ALEC, AFP, and KPI's public education programs.
The situation in Kansas has become increasingly grim since Brownback was elected in 2010. But Kansans are starting to wake up. Grassroots organizations such as Game on for Kansas schools, Women for Kansas, Kansas Moderate Party, Core Coalition and others are spreading their message throughout the state and people are listening. More and more Kansans are stepping forward to challenge these ultra-conservative lawmakers in primary and general elections. I hope that after the fall election, the legislative landscape in Kansas will change enough to stop progress on the ultra-conservative agenda; maybe, dare I say, even form a veto-proof coalition on some issues. I also hope that the names of our legislative committees will no longer serve as monuments to what is moved or destroyed.
And by the way, HB 2741 named Create the School District Finance and Student Success Act. I think, Disruption of public education, increased privatization, student success – dammit! didn't have the desired sound. Although that would certainly be more descriptive.
